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Joined 3 years ago
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Cake day: June 16th, 2023

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  • As far as i understand it, its not all hype. Its a little bit like having a really competent security researcher go deep through your complete codebase just really fast and with improved recall.

    So no black magic, just stuff regular security reviews would find. Firefox is just a huge codebase and once a bug got past review it might stay there forever.

    So this will be abused if released publicly sooner or later. This way is a little bit like responsible disclosure. This will make the initial wave hurt way less. And obviously it doesn’t hurt marketing.

    Anybody working with software knows marketing people promise the world and understand nothing. Pretty sure they just heard “black magic” and ran with it.









  • You’re asserting certainty where the facts are actually contested, and that’s the core problem.

    1. Haavara ≠ “alliance with Nazis” The Haavara Agreement was a limited, controversial arrangement to get some Jews out of Nazi Germany with part of their assets. It wasn’t ideological alignment or a “Zionist–Nazi alliance.” Reducing it to that ignores the context: people trying to escape persecution with very few options.

    2. Refuge elsewhere wasn’t realistically available Before and after the war, large-scale refuge largely did not materialize. The Évian Conference is a clear example—many countries expressed sympathy but refused to take in significant numbers. After the war, millions were displaced and many survivors had no homes or communities left to return to.

    3. Nakba is real—but “genocide since founding” is not a settled legal fact The Nakba involved expulsions and flight on a massive scale—serious and well-documented. But calling Israel’s entire existence “genocide” is a legal claim that is actively disputed, including under the United Nations Genocide Convention. You can argue it—but you can’t present it as uncontested fact.

    4. “Ethnostate = genocide” is not how the term works Many states define themselves in ethnic or national terms. That alone doesn’t meet the legal threshold for genocide, which requires intent to destroy a group. Conflating these weakens your argument.

    5. Wars in the region aren’t one-sided The Arab–Israeli War of 1948 involved multiple states and actors. Israel has initiated some actions; so have others. Claiming everything is unilateral aggression isn’t supported by the historical record.

    6. Nazi comparison breaks under scrutiny Invoking Nazi Germany doesn’t clarify anything. It’s rhetorically strong but analytically weak, because the structures, scale, and intent are not equivalent.


    There are serious, evidence-based criticisms of Israeli policy—settlements, civilian harm, occupation. Those stand on their own. But when everything is framed as “objectively genocide, no debate,” you’re not strengthening the case—you’re stepping outside what can actually be demonstrated and defended.



  • What you’re arguing mixes a few real points with several claims that don’t hold up factually, and it ends up oversimplifying a very complex and still ongoing conflict.

    First: the link between Jewish persecution and the creation of Israel is not “nothing.” Modern political Zionism (associated with figures like Theodor Herzl) predates the Holocaust, but the scale of the genocide during The Holocaust was a decisive factor in accelerating international support for a Jewish state. That’s historical consensus, not a post-hoc excuse.

    Second: the idea that Jews could simply have been “given refuge” elsewhere ignores what actually happened. During the 1930s–40s, many Western countries severely restricted Jewish immigration (e.g. Évian Conference showed how little willingness there was to accept refugees). In practice, there was no large-scale safe alternative offered.

    Third: the founding of Israel in 1948 did involve mass displacement of Palestinians (often referred to as the Nakba). That is a documented and serious historical grievance. But calling the state’s creation or its entire existence “genocide” is not how genocide is defined under international law. The term is used very specifically (e.g. by the United Nations Genocide Convention), and its application to this conflict is heavily disputed among legal scholars and institutions.

    Fourth: describing Israel as uniquely “invading neighbors unprovoked” or as a simple “puppet state” ignores that the region has seen multiple wars initiated by different sides (e.g. the Arab–Israeli War of 1948). Responsibility is not one-sided.

    Finally: comparisons to Nazi Germany are not just inflammatory—they collapse fundamentally different historical contexts and tend to shut down any serious discussion rather than clarify it.

    There are legitimate criticisms to make of Israeli policy (including settlement expansion, military actions, and treatment of Palestinians), just as there are real security concerns and historical traumas on the Israeli side. Reducing everything to “genocide vs. pure victimhood” on either side doesn’t reflect the evidence and makes meaningful analysis impossible.





  • Let’s pretend for a moment your comment history is not public and I’m unable to see the rest of your profile and how you interact with ther public and how the public ratios you for that.

    You keep masking your unhappiness and anger with sputtering out learned facts and knowledge. Sounds quite undiagnosed nerodiverse to me, with a touch of anti social behavior and a pinch of missing life experience.

    Please leave the house for an hour a day and touch grass. Try to reflect if the state of the world can really be your everyday concern. That is not healthy. If you want to help, volunteer in a soup kitchen, making people happy by helping them will greatly influence those moods of yours.

    And you can always come back and do the internet warrior thing just a few hours more afterwards. But you will be calm and less aggressive and somebody might actually be inclined to listen to what you have to say.

    Much love